Legislator Outlines Hong Kong's Gains Over 10 Years

Jul 01, 05:05 AM

Current Headlines: Text of report by Radio TV Hong Kong Radio 3 on 1 July

["Letter to Hong Kong" - weekly radio talk, here by Democratic Alliance for the Betterment of Hong Kong legislator Choy So-yuk; subheadings inserted editorially]

Who would have thought that we'd be celebrating our 10th anniversary of reunion with our motherland in such high spirits? Property prices are up, the stock market is scaling new heights and we are back in full employment. The rising demand is not for jobs but for more pay. Some people may see this as very disturbing, but let's face it, only a few years back many people were more than willing to see their salaries slashed in order to keep their jobs.

We have recovered, thanks to the resilience and indomitable spirit of Hong Kong people. To be frank there were times when I, myself, had serious doubts about our ability to get on top of our miseries. There is no question that the Asian financial crisis, avian flu, SARS [severe acute respiratory syndrome], negative equity, huge unemployment caused suffering on a scale not seen since the war.

Beijing's role in Hong Kong's recovery

Our recovery is, in large part, due to Beijing's positive intervention. CEPA [closer economic partnership] removed barriers to trade and investments, giving our debilitating economy a life- saving blood transfusion while the do-it-yourself holiday and shopping visits for mainlanders ensured that jobs were quickly created and money flowed swiftly down to the lower income groups. We have yet to give Beijing full credit for all its assistance.

More than 10 years ago Hong Kong people would have laughed at the prospect of receiving help from Beijing. The majority of people here were simply too arrogant towards the mainland, and all the talk was about how Hong Kong might teach China about capitalism, democracy and all the good things in life.

Fully understanding Hong Kong people's fears and pride, Beijing strictly kept its hands off Hong Kong. It had promised one country, two systems, a high degree of autonomy and Hong Kong people ruling Hong Kong. The late Deng Xiaoping and the subsequent leaders had been very serious about these promises; officials from top to bottom had the strictest instructions to keep out of Hong Kong.

Some Hong Kong people, especially some civil servants, saw this hands-off approach as an imperative condition of Hong Kong's return to the motherland and that any move by Beijing to assist Hong Kong would erode the promised two systems. The one country aspect of the promise was simply ignored.

This was the situation from 1997 to 2003. Hong Kong people, mired in miseries not of Beijing's making, responded with the massive demonstration of 1 July, 2003.

It was a rude awakening for Beijing. By not exercising its role as the central authority in terms of constitutional power, it had, perhaps, given some Hong Kong people the idea that Hong Kong was independent in all but name. But Beijing realized that the Hong Kong people - especially the common people who had no say in their fate and who might have been misled by wilful elements - needed to be helped first.

This explains the massive economic assistance pouring down from Beijing. China has never let Hong Kong down. It is worth recalling that even during colonial rule, Beijing has never treated Hong Kong as a step-child. In the most difficult times Beijing had ensured adequate water supply, vegetables, rice and pork at greatly reduced prices. This is a measure of how Beijing values Hong Kong, although this sentiment has rarely been acknowledged.

During this period, 2003 to 2005, Beijing gave full attention to Hong Kong and reasserted its constitutional role over Hong Kong. But its emphasis was on economic assistance, laced with social and cultural supports to help Hong Kong's recovery and to raise the people's spirits. In 2004 we said goodbye to deflation. Our economy is back on track.

To be fair, China has also benefited much from the recent liberalization of economic ties with Hong Kong. And this is not counting the huge amount of Hong Kong money and expertise which launched China's open door policy almost three decades ago.

From 2005 until now we have been dovetailing our economy and are prepared to take advantage and benefit from China's 11th Five-Year Plan. More and more we are going to be one with the mainland. This is to the good, because China is well on the way to being the world's No 1 economic power. If the world is clamouring for a piece of the China action, should we keep the mainland at a distance?

Closer economic, social and cultural ties with the mainland will bring immense benefits. There is absolutely no question that China is where our future lies.

Avoiding a repeat of "trauma"

While more and more people are coming into agreement with this view - yes, including some very diehard anti-China elements - the most important question that needs to be asked and answered is: What are we doing to avoid a repeat of our recent trauma?

This is a very pertinent time to ask such a question, because some very respectable economists in the West are saying that a global depression occurs on average every seven years, and that the next one is due around 2009 or 2010.

It is also timely because Donald Tsang has assembled his new administration and is poised to take us into the second decade.

There are huge problems ahead, deep-rooted contradictions that must be resolved if we are not to inflict the pains and miseries of 1997-2004 on the next one or two generations.

We must first confront one fundamental issue that everyone has avoided thus far: The loss of that social mobility which once allowed the young and the poor to rise above their penury and to aspire to the great heights of fame and fortune. Will another young Li Ka-shing get to the top again in the circumstances which prevail today? Our young are acutely aware of this loss and are increasingly looking to political means to effect a change.

Adversity is a maturing process, especially in the young. Their raised awareness enables them to see and, perhaps, exaggerate the inequities of our system. At the same time their core values are changing. What were once irrelevant to an older generation or what were regarded as unpleasant side effects of development and progress are intolerable to the younger generation. I refer here to pollution, the relentless destruction of the old and familiar, the seemingly unyielding efforts to reduce a once beautiful harbour to a narrow stream. Our younger generation is thinking differently, acting differently. You merely have to look at the numbers ready to embrace life on the mainland, work there, study there, to understand how the young are changing.

Bureaucrats like "stuck gramophones"

On the other hand our bureaucrats are cocooned in past achievements and comfort and, therefore, resistant to change. Like old gramophones they are stuck in the same groove, repeating the same arguments, playing the same tunes.

On the issue of closer relationship with the mainland, we need to better implement those economic agreements already made with Beijing. We need to remove hurdles and rationalize the free flow of people and talents across the border. We need to enhance CEPA and we need to explore and work out arrangements with the mainland for many areas such as scientific research.

The central government is ever ready to work closely with Hong Kong. But if we are to appreciate the true spirit of Beijing's offer to help us, we must change our mindset. Most important of all, our bureaucracy must wake up and lead Hong Kong to a better, brighter future. The bureaucracy does not have to feel ashamed of making radical changes. To change is to remain in the vanguard of social, economic and political progress.

(c) 2007 BBC Monitoring Asia Pacific. Provided by ProQuest Information and Learning. All rights Reserved.